The deceptive search for a new Pakistani identity !
By Dr. Naseer Dashti
July 25, 2006
National identity poses itself theoretically as an insoluble problem in the context of previously colonized countries. The major components
of state identity in Pakistan have been ‘ideology of Pakistan’ which is the transformation of national identities of different nationalities to a
so-called Pakistani Islamic identity by adjusting it to the requirements of ruling elite belonging to the dominant nationality and a ‘strong
centre doctrine’ which excluded the minority nationalities from the power structure of state. This state identity, having no rationale basis,
had to be imposed by force and for this Pakistani armed forces took upon the responsibility and as a result Pakistan became a permanent
experimental place for military dictatorship in South Asia. Implementation of this state identity, based on the propagation of a superfluous
non-existing Islamic Ummah, by force resulted in hostility towards national aspirations of minority nationalities. The consequences were
reflected in Pakistan becoming the bastion of Islamic fundamentalism and hatching place for international terrorism and jehadi activities
and a centre of instability as a result of increased enmity between majority and minority nationalities. With the drastic changes in
international polity in a post soviet and post September 11 milieu, Pakistani State is under tremendous pressure to reconsider the
parameters of its state ideology and to reform its institutions of governance. From a realistic point of view it is clear that neither the majority
nationality is prepared to give up its subjugating designs upon minority nationalities nor the state establishment is ready to replace the old
irrational ideological parameters with a genuine and viable state identity. The conscious elements in the minority nationalities and
international observers believe that the claims of a fundamental change in Pakistani state approach are merely deceptive tactics by state
establishment to deceive the international community.
The present territorial states in postcolonial Asia and Africa were created by drawing artificial lines by colonial powers to create countries,
uniting different ethnic identities in to one state negating the national and cultural aspirations of many nationalities. The State of Pakistan
and its manufactured ‘Muslim Pakistani identity’ reflect to the paradox of state national identity that is characteristic of many so-called
national states created by imperialists after World War II in Asia and Africa. Pakistan came as a unique phenomenon in modern history. Its
top leadership and bureaucracy came from northern India, having no cultural and social roots in the country. It was also unique that the
language of a few hundred thousands emigrants was declared as the national and official language of a sovereign state. It was not only
the ruling elite but also the very ‘ideology of Pakistan’ was alien to the present nationalities comprising Pakistan. Proponent of Pakistan
ideology, the Muslim League, a political party that was formed and groomed by British rulers in early 1906, had no popular support within
the present geographical boundaries of country, a fact fully reflected in the pre-partition general elections. Only a section of Muslim minority
in northern India was in the forefront for Pakistan movement, motivated in the hope that their future prosperity might be materialized in a
separate new state.
States are always desirous to find out a rationale for their existence, more so for newly formed states. As they could not create that one,
they try to follow some concepts or notions. Once they find comfort in an ideology, they stick to those concept and try to impose them by
force of arms with their resultant injustices and oppressions. That is what happened in Pakistan. It has to follow dictates of so-called
ideology in its internal and external policy approaches for five decades with disastrous consequences. Founded upon principles, those
were not genuine but rather manufactured from above; it became quite obvious that Pakistani nationalism did not serve as a means of
awakening of Pakistani masses to national consciousness. It was rather a project undertaken by class of intellectuals whose discourses
were laden with dilemma of having no cultural roots in the new society which they were incidentally dominating and facing an identity crisis
in the aftermath of Indian partition. The emphasis on ‘Islamic brotherhood’ along with the ‘strong center doctrine’ was institutionalized by
the rulers with brutal force, excluded minority nationalities from power structures and contributed to widening of rift between the center and
periphery. In fact, the paradox of Pakistani nationalism enhanced the power of ruling elite of the dominant nationality and paved the way to
a manufactured, official identity which was skin-deep and not espoused by all the strata of society.
The Pakistani State authority remained in the hands of a single nationality and its allies, the immigrants from north India, throughout.
Consistent with imperialist policies, the sovereignty over the state was exercised only by the military bureaucratic institutions. The army
came in to exert itself in internal and external polices. Initially, the army stayed in waiting and tried a political system that could not
popularize itself without support from the minority nationalities. They sometimes opted for sharing the same with certain civilians who
were ready to follow their course of action; however, they came in directly with regular pauses whenever they felt that the political elites
gained too much independence. The military leaders assumed themselves as the final authority on vital political, economic, and
ideological matters. They took it upon themselves to protect the ‘ideological frontiers of Pakistan’. With the dominating measures of the
establishment in the shape of lesser participation and lesser constitutional representation of minority nationalities, the ethnic divide in
Pakistan widened with the passage of time especially with reference to Bengalis, Baloch and Sindhis.
States are supposed to be dynamic in order to respond in kind to demands from the various component identities, reflecting not just the
nature of the center periphery relations, but also the fluidity of the state as a means of conflict resolution between competing elite,
communities, and ideologies. The crises emerge, where the state has failed in its role as arbiter, bringing a corresponding questioning of
the state’s legitimacy to monopolize the control of state apparatus over the masses of different cultural and social orientations. What
develops is a reciprocal shaping and reshaping of dominant-suppressed identities, as minority national movements tend to expand their
own repertoire and demands according to those employed by the ruling elite of the nationality they oppose. With each new encroachment
of the center upon the periphery, there occurs the stratification of the crisis, and a perpetuation of conflict that has little chance of resolution.
The processes of state consolidation through integration, vernacularisation, social stratification, and centralization of communicative
channels by the ruling nationality were to play a major part in creating social preconditions for the polarization of a society between varying
ethno-national groups. It is here that the notion of repression and perceived grievances become integral to the rise of extra-parliamentary
political action, as marginalized populations began to take offence to the encroachment of military discipline into everyday life in return for a
minimal amount of political influence.
There are four distinct nations in Pakistan. These nations have their ancestral homeland, common decent of several centuries, common
culture expressed in their basic values, beliefs and practices, and collective feelings of solidarity. Punjabi is the ruling nationality holding
more than 75% leadership positions in several areas of governance such as judiciary, executive, legislature and public administration.
Therefore, the conflict between the ruling nationality and others is inevitably growing to an alarming extent. The elite section of the ruling
nation is not prepared to accept Pakistan as multi-national state. In their misplaced enthusiasm they are equating the Punjabi/immigrant
values, beliefs and practices as the foundation of a “Pakistani culture”. This kind of thinking reflects the Punjabi chauvinistic mindset with
consequential theoretical and ideological chaos creating deep and irreparable schism in Pakistani society. The separation of East Bengal
and the intensification of Baloch and Sindhi National Resistances can be described as the consequences of such repressive policies of
state establishment belonging to majority nationality.
The political dynamics of the post-September period had certain characteristics that are connecting Pakistan with the international global
phenomenon. Pakistan is increasingly being portrayed by international media as the bastion of Islamic fundamentalism. In the context of
ongoing war against terrorism, the Pakistani state is under tremendous pressure from western powers to remodel their concept of
implementing Islamic and Koranic theories. The establishment is desperately employing measure to show that it is heeding to Western
advice and at the same time to camouflage its real designs. First, the regime is deceiving western powers by portraying that it is adopting
a liberal approach while in reality it is strengthening fundamentalist forces. Secondly, it is boasting its participation in the war against
terrorism but in practice it is not only grooming terrorist organizations in Pakistan but also patronizing jehadi organizations in Afghanistan,
India and Europe. The intelligentsia of national minorities in Pakistan and many international observers are least optimistic. They see the
official shift in policy approaches from religious to liberal is prompted by an urge to safe guard the interests of ruling elites rather than by
a genuine renewed and sustainable interest in changing the parameters of Pakistani identity. This is quite clear by the fact that in the
recent rhetoric of tolerance and pluralism by the present military regime there is no mention of the fact that Pakistan being a multi-national
state. There is no substantial evidence that state establishment has abandoned or decreased the level of its patronage for terrorists or
jehadi elements. The ongoing armed offensive against Baloch National Resistance and blatant violations of human rights in Balochistan
and Sindh is leading the relationship of oppressed nationalities with Pakistani State towards the point of no return. The Pakistani State is
compressed from the top by the drastic changes in international polity and from the bottom by the internal conflicts among the various
nationalities and is being increasingly and finely minced by the concomitant action of these two powerful jaws. The national minorities
especially Baloch and Sindhis are stepping up the resistance against their persistent subjugation by the state. The present scenario in
Pakistan is of a total chaotic situation and in all practical terms, the Pakistani state is on the brink of disintegration and this situation is the
result of following unrealistic approaches by majority nationality towards the aspirations of minority national entities in particular and
neglecting the public opinion of international community in general.
Pakistan has always provided a unique setting for experiments in synthesizing Islamic principles with the needs of a modern state. The
basis of the ideal Muslim polity is the Sharia, the sacred law of Islam and efforts to apply Sharia law in a modern political context have had
a direct impact on Pakistan's political history and complicated the nation's economic, political, constitutional and social evolution. This is
tantamount to the negation of raison d’etre of Pakistani State. The Pakistani army and establishment flourished on gains of championing
the cause of exporting Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism in neighboring countries and it is unthinkable for them to voluntarily concede
their privileged position. West’s insistence of adopting a liberal Islamic approach is incompatible with basic Islamic tenets, upholding of
which is the basis of very ideology of Pakistan and the essential component of state identity. While analyzing the intellectual potentials and
the historical background of the developed mindset of the ruling elite from the dominant nationality and taking into consideration the track
record of Pakistani political developments, it became obvious that the state and its parasitic strata are not about to give in gracefully.
Conscious elements in minority nationalities are not taking seriously the recent manipulations of a section of State Establishment to
replace the present military regime with a façade of democratic government by encouraging the leaders of two main political parties to
forge an alliance or encouraging one of the political front of ISI, the Jamait Islami to launch an agitation against present regime. In their
opinion, all the fanfare of signing a “Pakistani ‘magna carta’ for democracy” with out the resolution of national questions and with out a
basic shift in ideological parameters of state is superfluous. They believe that these maneuvers on behalf a section of army establishment
is merely to gain time and to deceive the western public opinion. To redefine the rationale for its existence afresh and give the country a
decent socio-cultural and political shape and bring it to the conditions of contemporary international realities is a task that Pakistani
establishment or the intelligentsia of dominant nationality is incapable of dealing with.
For the survival of Pakistani State, it is imperative for saner elements in the majority nationality of Pakistan, the Punjab, to determine the
parameters of relations between majority and minority nationalities and to search for a new sound, viable and logical identity for the State,
which could provide a rationale for a viable Pakistan. The survival of Pakistan lies in immediate shift to the basic ideology of Pakistan. The
parameters of such a shift should include a secular Pakistan in which the level of development had to be reached by emphasizing notions
such as science, modern education, rationality and liberalism. The new paradigm should embrace the basic principles of autonomy,
democracy and secularism. The most important component of the this new rational identity should be the recognition of Pakistani state as
a multinational state in which all nations should be treated as equal and sovereign. Suppression of diversity in the name of national unity,
religion or on any other pretext should not be allowed and the universally accepted right of self-determination of all nationalities should be
accepted.
Majority of the political observers are in the opinion that in a Pakistani context, it is nearly impossible to achieve a descent resolution of the
basic conflict between different component nationalities within Pakistani State.
They believe that the ruling elite of the dominant nationality is far from reality and the intelligentsia of the ruling nationality lacks the vision to
guide the ruling elite in to a dignified settlement. While analyzing and trying to come to grips with the establishment’s mentality, references
should be made to the strong tradition in this country that was evolved in such a way as to stifle any kind of rationale thought and
reasoning. Any attempt in this direction is readily considered to be anti-state, anti-Islam or anti-ideology of Pakistan. Pakistani society was
made stagnant with an implicit bar on free debate to socio-political events. Long spells of dictatorial rule created a psychological and
intellectual stagnation among the conscientious people. It is quite obvious that Pakistani State Establishment will try to tread on its familiar
tracks. It will keep trying, till the end, to strike and fight the genuine aspirations of national minorities with all sorts of old ideological
weapons, playing the same old ideological games. The subjugated nationalities in Pakistan are bound to encounter on their path of
salvation the very powerful and brutal resistance of state establishment dominated by Punjab and its allies, the immigrants from India.
Related Links:
By Dr. Naseer Dashti
July 25, 2006
National identity poses itself theoretically as an insoluble problem in the context of previously colonized countries. The major components
of state identity in Pakistan have been ‘ideology of Pakistan’ which is the transformation of national identities of different nationalities to a
so-called Pakistani Islamic identity by adjusting it to the requirements of ruling elite belonging to the dominant nationality and a ‘strong
centre doctrine’ which excluded the minority nationalities from the power structure of state. This state identity, having no rationale basis,
had to be imposed by force and for this Pakistani armed forces took upon the responsibility and as a result Pakistan became a permanent
experimental place for military dictatorship in South Asia. Implementation of this state identity, based on the propagation of a superfluous
non-existing Islamic Ummah, by force resulted in hostility towards national aspirations of minority nationalities. The consequences were
reflected in Pakistan becoming the bastion of Islamic fundamentalism and hatching place for international terrorism and jehadi activities
and a centre of instability as a result of increased enmity between majority and minority nationalities. With the drastic changes in
international polity in a post soviet and post September 11 milieu, Pakistani State is under tremendous pressure to reconsider the
parameters of its state ideology and to reform its institutions of governance. From a realistic point of view it is clear that neither the majority
nationality is prepared to give up its subjugating designs upon minority nationalities nor the state establishment is ready to replace the old
irrational ideological parameters with a genuine and viable state identity. The conscious elements in the minority nationalities and
international observers believe that the claims of a fundamental change in Pakistani state approach are merely deceptive tactics by state
establishment to deceive the international community.
The present territorial states in postcolonial Asia and Africa were created by drawing artificial lines by colonial powers to create countries,
uniting different ethnic identities in to one state negating the national and cultural aspirations of many nationalities. The State of Pakistan
and its manufactured ‘Muslim Pakistani identity’ reflect to the paradox of state national identity that is characteristic of many so-called
national states created by imperialists after World War II in Asia and Africa. Pakistan came as a unique phenomenon in modern history. Its
top leadership and bureaucracy came from northern India, having no cultural and social roots in the country. It was also unique that the
language of a few hundred thousands emigrants was declared as the national and official language of a sovereign state. It was not only
the ruling elite but also the very ‘ideology of Pakistan’ was alien to the present nationalities comprising Pakistan. Proponent of Pakistan
ideology, the Muslim League, a political party that was formed and groomed by British rulers in early 1906, had no popular support within
the present geographical boundaries of country, a fact fully reflected in the pre-partition general elections. Only a section of Muslim minority
in northern India was in the forefront for Pakistan movement, motivated in the hope that their future prosperity might be materialized in a
separate new state.
States are always desirous to find out a rationale for their existence, more so for newly formed states. As they could not create that one,
they try to follow some concepts or notions. Once they find comfort in an ideology, they stick to those concept and try to impose them by
force of arms with their resultant injustices and oppressions. That is what happened in Pakistan. It has to follow dictates of so-called
ideology in its internal and external policy approaches for five decades with disastrous consequences. Founded upon principles, those
were not genuine but rather manufactured from above; it became quite obvious that Pakistani nationalism did not serve as a means of
awakening of Pakistani masses to national consciousness. It was rather a project undertaken by class of intellectuals whose discourses
were laden with dilemma of having no cultural roots in the new society which they were incidentally dominating and facing an identity crisis
in the aftermath of Indian partition. The emphasis on ‘Islamic brotherhood’ along with the ‘strong center doctrine’ was institutionalized by
the rulers with brutal force, excluded minority nationalities from power structures and contributed to widening of rift between the center and
periphery. In fact, the paradox of Pakistani nationalism enhanced the power of ruling elite of the dominant nationality and paved the way to
a manufactured, official identity which was skin-deep and not espoused by all the strata of society.
The Pakistani State authority remained in the hands of a single nationality and its allies, the immigrants from north India, throughout.
Consistent with imperialist policies, the sovereignty over the state was exercised only by the military bureaucratic institutions. The army
came in to exert itself in internal and external polices. Initially, the army stayed in waiting and tried a political system that could not
popularize itself without support from the minority nationalities. They sometimes opted for sharing the same with certain civilians who
were ready to follow their course of action; however, they came in directly with regular pauses whenever they felt that the political elites
gained too much independence. The military leaders assumed themselves as the final authority on vital political, economic, and
ideological matters. They took it upon themselves to protect the ‘ideological frontiers of Pakistan’. With the dominating measures of the
establishment in the shape of lesser participation and lesser constitutional representation of minority nationalities, the ethnic divide in
Pakistan widened with the passage of time especially with reference to Bengalis, Baloch and Sindhis.
States are supposed to be dynamic in order to respond in kind to demands from the various component identities, reflecting not just the
nature of the center periphery relations, but also the fluidity of the state as a means of conflict resolution between competing elite,
communities, and ideologies. The crises emerge, where the state has failed in its role as arbiter, bringing a corresponding questioning of
the state’s legitimacy to monopolize the control of state apparatus over the masses of different cultural and social orientations. What
develops is a reciprocal shaping and reshaping of dominant-suppressed identities, as minority national movements tend to expand their
own repertoire and demands according to those employed by the ruling elite of the nationality they oppose. With each new encroachment
of the center upon the periphery, there occurs the stratification of the crisis, and a perpetuation of conflict that has little chance of resolution.
The processes of state consolidation through integration, vernacularisation, social stratification, and centralization of communicative
channels by the ruling nationality were to play a major part in creating social preconditions for the polarization of a society between varying
ethno-national groups. It is here that the notion of repression and perceived grievances become integral to the rise of extra-parliamentary
political action, as marginalized populations began to take offence to the encroachment of military discipline into everyday life in return for a
minimal amount of political influence.
There are four distinct nations in Pakistan. These nations have their ancestral homeland, common decent of several centuries, common
culture expressed in their basic values, beliefs and practices, and collective feelings of solidarity. Punjabi is the ruling nationality holding
more than 75% leadership positions in several areas of governance such as judiciary, executive, legislature and public administration.
Therefore, the conflict between the ruling nationality and others is inevitably growing to an alarming extent. The elite section of the ruling
nation is not prepared to accept Pakistan as multi-national state. In their misplaced enthusiasm they are equating the Punjabi/immigrant
values, beliefs and practices as the foundation of a “Pakistani culture”. This kind of thinking reflects the Punjabi chauvinistic mindset with
consequential theoretical and ideological chaos creating deep and irreparable schism in Pakistani society. The separation of East Bengal
and the intensification of Baloch and Sindhi National Resistances can be described as the consequences of such repressive policies of
state establishment belonging to majority nationality.
The political dynamics of the post-September period had certain characteristics that are connecting Pakistan with the international global
phenomenon. Pakistan is increasingly being portrayed by international media as the bastion of Islamic fundamentalism. In the context of
ongoing war against terrorism, the Pakistani state is under tremendous pressure from western powers to remodel their concept of
implementing Islamic and Koranic theories. The establishment is desperately employing measure to show that it is heeding to Western
advice and at the same time to camouflage its real designs. First, the regime is deceiving western powers by portraying that it is adopting
a liberal approach while in reality it is strengthening fundamentalist forces. Secondly, it is boasting its participation in the war against
terrorism but in practice it is not only grooming terrorist organizations in Pakistan but also patronizing jehadi organizations in Afghanistan,
India and Europe. The intelligentsia of national minorities in Pakistan and many international observers are least optimistic. They see the
official shift in policy approaches from religious to liberal is prompted by an urge to safe guard the interests of ruling elites rather than by
a genuine renewed and sustainable interest in changing the parameters of Pakistani identity. This is quite clear by the fact that in the
recent rhetoric of tolerance and pluralism by the present military regime there is no mention of the fact that Pakistan being a multi-national
state. There is no substantial evidence that state establishment has abandoned or decreased the level of its patronage for terrorists or
jehadi elements. The ongoing armed offensive against Baloch National Resistance and blatant violations of human rights in Balochistan
and Sindh is leading the relationship of oppressed nationalities with Pakistani State towards the point of no return. The Pakistani State is
compressed from the top by the drastic changes in international polity and from the bottom by the internal conflicts among the various
nationalities and is being increasingly and finely minced by the concomitant action of these two powerful jaws. The national minorities
especially Baloch and Sindhis are stepping up the resistance against their persistent subjugation by the state. The present scenario in
Pakistan is of a total chaotic situation and in all practical terms, the Pakistani state is on the brink of disintegration and this situation is the
result of following unrealistic approaches by majority nationality towards the aspirations of minority national entities in particular and
neglecting the public opinion of international community in general.
Pakistan has always provided a unique setting for experiments in synthesizing Islamic principles with the needs of a modern state. The
basis of the ideal Muslim polity is the Sharia, the sacred law of Islam and efforts to apply Sharia law in a modern political context have had
a direct impact on Pakistan's political history and complicated the nation's economic, political, constitutional and social evolution. This is
tantamount to the negation of raison d’etre of Pakistani State. The Pakistani army and establishment flourished on gains of championing
the cause of exporting Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism in neighboring countries and it is unthinkable for them to voluntarily concede
their privileged position. West’s insistence of adopting a liberal Islamic approach is incompatible with basic Islamic tenets, upholding of
which is the basis of very ideology of Pakistan and the essential component of state identity. While analyzing the intellectual potentials and
the historical background of the developed mindset of the ruling elite from the dominant nationality and taking into consideration the track
record of Pakistani political developments, it became obvious that the state and its parasitic strata are not about to give in gracefully.
Conscious elements in minority nationalities are not taking seriously the recent manipulations of a section of State Establishment to
replace the present military regime with a façade of democratic government by encouraging the leaders of two main political parties to
forge an alliance or encouraging one of the political front of ISI, the Jamait Islami to launch an agitation against present regime. In their
opinion, all the fanfare of signing a “Pakistani ‘magna carta’ for democracy” with out the resolution of national questions and with out a
basic shift in ideological parameters of state is superfluous. They believe that these maneuvers on behalf a section of army establishment
is merely to gain time and to deceive the western public opinion. To redefine the rationale for its existence afresh and give the country a
decent socio-cultural and political shape and bring it to the conditions of contemporary international realities is a task that Pakistani
establishment or the intelligentsia of dominant nationality is incapable of dealing with.
For the survival of Pakistani State, it is imperative for saner elements in the majority nationality of Pakistan, the Punjab, to determine the
parameters of relations between majority and minority nationalities and to search for a new sound, viable and logical identity for the State,
which could provide a rationale for a viable Pakistan. The survival of Pakistan lies in immediate shift to the basic ideology of Pakistan. The
parameters of such a shift should include a secular Pakistan in which the level of development had to be reached by emphasizing notions
such as science, modern education, rationality and liberalism. The new paradigm should embrace the basic principles of autonomy,
democracy and secularism. The most important component of the this new rational identity should be the recognition of Pakistani state as
a multinational state in which all nations should be treated as equal and sovereign. Suppression of diversity in the name of national unity,
religion or on any other pretext should not be allowed and the universally accepted right of self-determination of all nationalities should be
accepted.
Majority of the political observers are in the opinion that in a Pakistani context, it is nearly impossible to achieve a descent resolution of the
basic conflict between different component nationalities within Pakistani State.
They believe that the ruling elite of the dominant nationality is far from reality and the intelligentsia of the ruling nationality lacks the vision to
guide the ruling elite in to a dignified settlement. While analyzing and trying to come to grips with the establishment’s mentality, references
should be made to the strong tradition in this country that was evolved in such a way as to stifle any kind of rationale thought and
reasoning. Any attempt in this direction is readily considered to be anti-state, anti-Islam or anti-ideology of Pakistan. Pakistani society was
made stagnant with an implicit bar on free debate to socio-political events. Long spells of dictatorial rule created a psychological and
intellectual stagnation among the conscientious people. It is quite obvious that Pakistani State Establishment will try to tread on its familiar
tracks. It will keep trying, till the end, to strike and fight the genuine aspirations of national minorities with all sorts of old ideological
weapons, playing the same old ideological games. The subjugated nationalities in Pakistan are bound to encounter on their path of
salvation the very powerful and brutal resistance of state establishment dominated by Punjab and its allies, the immigrants from India.
Related Links:
| Baloch Society Of North America (BSO_NA) Baloch Society Of North America (BSO_NA) is Non-Profit Organization, working to unite and Organize all Baloch in North America, to expose the Occupation of our land (Balochistan) and exploitations of our resources by Pakistani and Iranian Governments, and to bring their Human Rights Violations in Balochistan into the world’s Notice. |