| Baloch Society Of North America (BSO_NA) Baloch Society Of North America (BSO_NA) is Non-Profit Organization, working to unite and Organize all Baloch in North America, to expose the Occupation of our land (Balochistan) and exploitations of our resources by Pakistani and Iranian Governments, and to bring their Human Rights Violations in Balochistan into the world’s Notice. |
The Baloch options in Iran
By Dr. Naseer Dashti
March 10, 2007
Modern Iran is a state that has been riddled with continuous internal tension and deep differences amongst its nationalities. This stems
from the narrow Persian view that the militant Shia doctrine is the only objective and authentic vessel of social identity. For this reason,
the use of various languages and the practice of different religions were not tolerated in Iran. Despite the false beliefs of the Iranian
establishment that the Shia identity would eventually supersede the national identities based on ethnic membership, ethnic identity
remained strong in most parts of the country throughout the history of modern Iran. The present Iran is the continuation of Qajar Dynasty
established in 1794, replaced by Pahlavi Dynasty in 1925 and by ayatollahs in 1979. The occupation of the Baloch territory by the
Persians was legalized through the treaty reached between Persian and British Empires in 1873 dividing Balochistan by an arbitrary
drawn line known as Goldsmid Line. The Baloch in Iran are mainly concentrated in southeastern and northeastern regions adjacent to
other Baloch populated areas in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The Baloch under Persian rule for a long period have been facing systematic
repression and discrimination, nevertheless, they have been resisting domination and cultural and political hegemony. Despite
occasional uprisings, many of them violent and explicitly with nationalist overtures, the Baloch national question in Iran remain an
unresolved problem -- for the Baloch as well as for the Persian nation-state. As the military confrontation between the west and the
present Iranian regime is eminent, many observers believe that there certainly be political and geographical changes in the region where
Baloch land is situated. Discussions and debates among the conscious elements in Iranian part of Balochistan and the Baloch is
Diaspora is going on to adopt a viable policy for the Baloch national resistance in Iran.
In their zeal to establish a superfluous Persian identity for the Empire, and to achieve strict uniformity in social, political and religious
thoughts and approaches, the Baloch associations, schools, publications, religious, cultural or political organizations and teaching
institutions are being steadily targeted by state power, thus removing all public vestiges of a separate Baloch identity. The Iranian
authorities believe that there was to be one nation with one language, namely the Persian and they view Balochi language as a Persian
dialect that does need no separate treatment. Baloch have been marginalized in all walks of state institutions. They could not be found in
armed forces, administrative hierarchy, in foreign ministries, in judiciary and other policy-making bodies of the state. Other national
minorities like Kurds, Azeris, Arabs and Turkmens in Iran are also facing the same situation.
The nature of relations between Persian Empire and Baloch is marked by sporadic armed conflicts erupted throughout the period of
occupation, the last organized battles were fought under the leadership of Mir Dost Mohamed in 1928 resulting in the defeat of Baloch
forces and the collapse of last Baloch principality in Western Balochistan. The ever-present and ubiquitous will of the Baloch people for
the overthrow of Persian yoke acquired new dimension in 1970s. These were the peak years for the waves of national liberation and right
of self-determination were considered the basic rights of suppressed nationalities. The victories of the people in Indochina and Africa
over colonialism were the enlightening factors for oppressed peoples all over the world. A short-lived nationalist government in Pakistani
Balochistan in 1973 gave the necessary moral boost to the small but flourishing nationalist movement in Western Balochistan. The other
encouraging factor was the weakening grip of Pahlavi dynasty and the eminent collapse of the monarchy. The Baloch were optimistic that
the new Persian rulers might concede some sort of autonomy to Balochistan and rectify some past brutalities. However, these proved to
be only a dream. In all practical terms, the oppressive integration-policies of Qajar and Pehlavi dynasties were maintained and
vigorously pursued by the ayatollahs. Many Baloch political activist were imprisoned, tortured and killed by Islamic guards and thousands
escaped to other parts of the world as refugees. In matters of integration and suppression of minority nationalities, the new Persian
Empire of ayatollahs had been pursuing the same policies and similar methods of atrocities, assimilation, and integration prevalent
between 1925 and 1979. The processes of integration into nation-state have been a strongest lever in putting high pressures on the
Baloch to assimilate into a superfluous religio-nationalist Persian identity.
In the circumstances of last many decades the ability of the Baloch national sentiments in Pakistan and Iran to survive extraordinary state
repression are unprecedented. Although, the oppressive forms of homogenization and integration have been painful for the Baloch in
Iran, the state efforts did not succeed in every respect. Baloch identity and nationalism has a strong emotional appeal and an equally
strong politically mobilizing potential. The Baloch have been resisting and they resisted because they were aware of the fact that in failing
to resist the exigencies of the Persian state, the outcome of painful integration and acculturation would have been the loss of their sacred
land, traditions and cultural values. The Baloch in Iran have been endeavouring to formulate strategies of the resistance to challenge the
cultural, political, economical and linguistic hegemony of the Persian Empire whether it was the Shah or the ayatollahs. In the prevailing
circumstances of increased Persian pressures, the Baloch have only limited options. First is the option of loyalty that is the willingness to
assimilate into Persian identity and become Farsi or Farsi-ban, or Gajar as the Baloch call them and in other words, giving up their
historical identity as a proud nation. The second option for the Baloch is to negotiate for limited autonomy in linguistic, religious or local
political matters. The last option available for the Baloch is the option to exit which consists in a rejection of the dominant nationalism
and the existing nation-state, and a consequent attempt to set up their state.
The observers on the history of the region are stressing that the Baloch should not be unmindful of the fact that Iran or countries
occupying the Baloch land, in the years to come, will further consolidate their hold on the Baloch land and will never agree to give any
kind of self-rule to the Baloch or recognize their genuine rights. The Baloch had very bitter experiences with the Gajar and Pahlavi
dynasties. The Baloch demands for self-rule constitute a democratic pursuit that is incompatible with the despotism and religious-based
nationalism of Shiite Iran. The saner elements among the Baloch are in the firm opinion that for the Baloch in Iran it is always suicidal to
bank or rely on the reasonableness of the Iranian authorities. History has sufficiently warned against such error in judgment. By all
calculations, it is out of question that the Persians could be convinced to grant Baloch any kind of autonomy with out a serious and
sustained struggle. It is alien to Iranian sense of nationalism and religious inflexibility to agree to any kind of political harmony that may
show any weakness. It is unthinkable on the part of the Persian religious nationalism to give any impression even implicitly that any part
of the erstwhile great Persian Empire of the Cyrus the Great should be conceded to the Baloch people. It is against the Shiite Psyche of
religious fundamentalism to bow before the wishes of a national minority in the empire of the ayatollahs. On the other hand, it is also not
in Baloch genetic code to surrender its identity and its land and resources under duress, it is unthinkable for a Baloch to be assimilated
in the wider Persian identity.
Therefore, the only option left for the Baloch in Iran is to struggle for a nation-state stressing on the UN principle of right of self-
determination which guarantees that the rulers must come from the people ruled. New dimensions are being witnessed in international
affairs since the fatal events in September 2001 which are developing some sort of hope among the oppressed nationalities in Islamic
and fundamentalist states. If only 50% percent policy statements from the western official circles are to be taken seriously then it became
obvious that in near future the situation in some of the countries where Baloch are living will be drastically changed. There will definitely
be political, strategic as well geographical changes in the region. The destruction, demilitarization or weakening of the Persian state
institutions and military apparatus is among the prime objectives of the western alliance.
In response to the prolonged efforts based on ethnocide of the Baloch nation in Iran, a strong ideological and political revitalization
current in recent decades has been building up in Iranian Balochistan. Many among the Baloch believe that the present situation is a god
given opportunity for the Baloch in Iran. The Baloch should use the important opportunity arose in the political and strategic scenario of
this region as an aftermath of the terrorist attack in America to realize their centuries-old dream and accomplish the task with all their
strength regardless of certain subjective inadequacies in the people and the leadership. Majority of the Baloch political activists in Iran
and Diaspora are stressing that the Baloch in Iran should out rightly reject the idea for a struggle with the attitude as to reduce it for a
demonstration for economic demands, without laying emphasis on the national and historical aspects of the Baloch national question.
They are in the opinion of a struggle with the clear-cut aim of establishing a separate geographical entity for the Baloch.
The Baloch political activists in Iranian Balochistan and in Europe are feeling an emergent need that efforts should be made on
emergency footings to form a ‘National Front’ of all nationalist forces. A few years back, the formation of Balochistan United Front of Iran
by different political groups in exile was considered a welcome sign; however, it failed to deliver and soon disintegrated. It is imperative
to understand the ground realities of international polity and formation of a national front of all nationalist forces in Balochistan and
Diaspora should be given priority again. Baloch masses must be given a clear target and it should be the insistence on the right of self-
determination. The national front should be instrumental in bringing about a sustained coordination between armed resistance in Iran
and political activities abroad. Fundamental among other tasks of the national front should be to strive for the negation of any kind of
religious connection with the Baloch national resistance in Iran. In the fight against repression, it is also fundamental to identify and
announce boldly the friends and foes. It should be clearly and loudly declared that the Baloch are on the side of the international forces
fighting against religious fundamentalism and terrorism. The National Front of Baloch patriots should be of the conviction that both
political and economic powers are inalienable rights of the people of Balochistan. Its mission therefore should be to contribute to the
task of total political and economic liberation of Balochistan. The Baloch United Front of Iranian nationalists should struggle against the
opportunist ideas, which justify capitulation. Perhaps it is the proper time for the present generation of Iranian Baloch to discover its
mission, to exploit the prevailing international situation in favour of the Baloch nationalism, and to fulfil the mission of emancipation from
foreign hegemony.
By Dr. Naseer Dashti
March 10, 2007
Modern Iran is a state that has been riddled with continuous internal tension and deep differences amongst its nationalities. This stems
from the narrow Persian view that the militant Shia doctrine is the only objective and authentic vessel of social identity. For this reason,
the use of various languages and the practice of different religions were not tolerated in Iran. Despite the false beliefs of the Iranian
establishment that the Shia identity would eventually supersede the national identities based on ethnic membership, ethnic identity
remained strong in most parts of the country throughout the history of modern Iran. The present Iran is the continuation of Qajar Dynasty
established in 1794, replaced by Pahlavi Dynasty in 1925 and by ayatollahs in 1979. The occupation of the Baloch territory by the
Persians was legalized through the treaty reached between Persian and British Empires in 1873 dividing Balochistan by an arbitrary
drawn line known as Goldsmid Line. The Baloch in Iran are mainly concentrated in southeastern and northeastern regions adjacent to
other Baloch populated areas in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The Baloch under Persian rule for a long period have been facing systematic
repression and discrimination, nevertheless, they have been resisting domination and cultural and political hegemony. Despite
occasional uprisings, many of them violent and explicitly with nationalist overtures, the Baloch national question in Iran remain an
unresolved problem -- for the Baloch as well as for the Persian nation-state. As the military confrontation between the west and the
present Iranian regime is eminent, many observers believe that there certainly be political and geographical changes in the region where
Baloch land is situated. Discussions and debates among the conscious elements in Iranian part of Balochistan and the Baloch is
Diaspora is going on to adopt a viable policy for the Baloch national resistance in Iran.
In their zeal to establish a superfluous Persian identity for the Empire, and to achieve strict uniformity in social, political and religious
thoughts and approaches, the Baloch associations, schools, publications, religious, cultural or political organizations and teaching
institutions are being steadily targeted by state power, thus removing all public vestiges of a separate Baloch identity. The Iranian
authorities believe that there was to be one nation with one language, namely the Persian and they view Balochi language as a Persian
dialect that does need no separate treatment. Baloch have been marginalized in all walks of state institutions. They could not be found in
armed forces, administrative hierarchy, in foreign ministries, in judiciary and other policy-making bodies of the state. Other national
minorities like Kurds, Azeris, Arabs and Turkmens in Iran are also facing the same situation.
The nature of relations between Persian Empire and Baloch is marked by sporadic armed conflicts erupted throughout the period of
occupation, the last organized battles were fought under the leadership of Mir Dost Mohamed in 1928 resulting in the defeat of Baloch
forces and the collapse of last Baloch principality in Western Balochistan. The ever-present and ubiquitous will of the Baloch people for
the overthrow of Persian yoke acquired new dimension in 1970s. These were the peak years for the waves of national liberation and right
of self-determination were considered the basic rights of suppressed nationalities. The victories of the people in Indochina and Africa
over colonialism were the enlightening factors for oppressed peoples all over the world. A short-lived nationalist government in Pakistani
Balochistan in 1973 gave the necessary moral boost to the small but flourishing nationalist movement in Western Balochistan. The other
encouraging factor was the weakening grip of Pahlavi dynasty and the eminent collapse of the monarchy. The Baloch were optimistic that
the new Persian rulers might concede some sort of autonomy to Balochistan and rectify some past brutalities. However, these proved to
be only a dream. In all practical terms, the oppressive integration-policies of Qajar and Pehlavi dynasties were maintained and
vigorously pursued by the ayatollahs. Many Baloch political activist were imprisoned, tortured and killed by Islamic guards and thousands
escaped to other parts of the world as refugees. In matters of integration and suppression of minority nationalities, the new Persian
Empire of ayatollahs had been pursuing the same policies and similar methods of atrocities, assimilation, and integration prevalent
between 1925 and 1979. The processes of integration into nation-state have been a strongest lever in putting high pressures on the
Baloch to assimilate into a superfluous religio-nationalist Persian identity.
In the circumstances of last many decades the ability of the Baloch national sentiments in Pakistan and Iran to survive extraordinary state
repression are unprecedented. Although, the oppressive forms of homogenization and integration have been painful for the Baloch in
Iran, the state efforts did not succeed in every respect. Baloch identity and nationalism has a strong emotional appeal and an equally
strong politically mobilizing potential. The Baloch have been resisting and they resisted because they were aware of the fact that in failing
to resist the exigencies of the Persian state, the outcome of painful integration and acculturation would have been the loss of their sacred
land, traditions and cultural values. The Baloch in Iran have been endeavouring to formulate strategies of the resistance to challenge the
cultural, political, economical and linguistic hegemony of the Persian Empire whether it was the Shah or the ayatollahs. In the prevailing
circumstances of increased Persian pressures, the Baloch have only limited options. First is the option of loyalty that is the willingness to
assimilate into Persian identity and become Farsi or Farsi-ban, or Gajar as the Baloch call them and in other words, giving up their
historical identity as a proud nation. The second option for the Baloch is to negotiate for limited autonomy in linguistic, religious or local
political matters. The last option available for the Baloch is the option to exit which consists in a rejection of the dominant nationalism
and the existing nation-state, and a consequent attempt to set up their state.
The observers on the history of the region are stressing that the Baloch should not be unmindful of the fact that Iran or countries
occupying the Baloch land, in the years to come, will further consolidate their hold on the Baloch land and will never agree to give any
kind of self-rule to the Baloch or recognize their genuine rights. The Baloch had very bitter experiences with the Gajar and Pahlavi
dynasties. The Baloch demands for self-rule constitute a democratic pursuit that is incompatible with the despotism and religious-based
nationalism of Shiite Iran. The saner elements among the Baloch are in the firm opinion that for the Baloch in Iran it is always suicidal to
bank or rely on the reasonableness of the Iranian authorities. History has sufficiently warned against such error in judgment. By all
calculations, it is out of question that the Persians could be convinced to grant Baloch any kind of autonomy with out a serious and
sustained struggle. It is alien to Iranian sense of nationalism and religious inflexibility to agree to any kind of political harmony that may
show any weakness. It is unthinkable on the part of the Persian religious nationalism to give any impression even implicitly that any part
of the erstwhile great Persian Empire of the Cyrus the Great should be conceded to the Baloch people. It is against the Shiite Psyche of
religious fundamentalism to bow before the wishes of a national minority in the empire of the ayatollahs. On the other hand, it is also not
in Baloch genetic code to surrender its identity and its land and resources under duress, it is unthinkable for a Baloch to be assimilated
in the wider Persian identity.
Therefore, the only option left for the Baloch in Iran is to struggle for a nation-state stressing on the UN principle of right of self-
determination which guarantees that the rulers must come from the people ruled. New dimensions are being witnessed in international
affairs since the fatal events in September 2001 which are developing some sort of hope among the oppressed nationalities in Islamic
and fundamentalist states. If only 50% percent policy statements from the western official circles are to be taken seriously then it became
obvious that in near future the situation in some of the countries where Baloch are living will be drastically changed. There will definitely
be political, strategic as well geographical changes in the region. The destruction, demilitarization or weakening of the Persian state
institutions and military apparatus is among the prime objectives of the western alliance.
In response to the prolonged efforts based on ethnocide of the Baloch nation in Iran, a strong ideological and political revitalization
current in recent decades has been building up in Iranian Balochistan. Many among the Baloch believe that the present situation is a god
given opportunity for the Baloch in Iran. The Baloch should use the important opportunity arose in the political and strategic scenario of
this region as an aftermath of the terrorist attack in America to realize their centuries-old dream and accomplish the task with all their
strength regardless of certain subjective inadequacies in the people and the leadership. Majority of the Baloch political activists in Iran
and Diaspora are stressing that the Baloch in Iran should out rightly reject the idea for a struggle with the attitude as to reduce it for a
demonstration for economic demands, without laying emphasis on the national and historical aspects of the Baloch national question.
They are in the opinion of a struggle with the clear-cut aim of establishing a separate geographical entity for the Baloch.
The Baloch political activists in Iranian Balochistan and in Europe are feeling an emergent need that efforts should be made on
emergency footings to form a ‘National Front’ of all nationalist forces. A few years back, the formation of Balochistan United Front of Iran
by different political groups in exile was considered a welcome sign; however, it failed to deliver and soon disintegrated. It is imperative
to understand the ground realities of international polity and formation of a national front of all nationalist forces in Balochistan and
Diaspora should be given priority again. Baloch masses must be given a clear target and it should be the insistence on the right of self-
determination. The national front should be instrumental in bringing about a sustained coordination between armed resistance in Iran
and political activities abroad. Fundamental among other tasks of the national front should be to strive for the negation of any kind of
religious connection with the Baloch national resistance in Iran. In the fight against repression, it is also fundamental to identify and
announce boldly the friends and foes. It should be clearly and loudly declared that the Baloch are on the side of the international forces
fighting against religious fundamentalism and terrorism. The National Front of Baloch patriots should be of the conviction that both
political and economic powers are inalienable rights of the people of Balochistan. Its mission therefore should be to contribute to the
task of total political and economic liberation of Balochistan. The Baloch United Front of Iranian nationalists should struggle against the
opportunist ideas, which justify capitulation. Perhaps it is the proper time for the present generation of Iranian Baloch to discover its
mission, to exploit the prevailing international situation in favour of the Baloch nationalism, and to fulfil the mission of emancipation from
foreign hegemony.
Soon Pakistan began to employ different pressure tactics for coercing Balochistan to merge in to newfound religious state. When in April
1948 Pakistani troops entered Balochistan from north and south, the ruler of Baloch State under pressure signed an agreement of
accession with Pakistan. This was against the will of Baloch people expressed by both houses of their parliament. In a Baloch
perspective, it is the illegal occupation of their land.
The second aspect is the doctrine of Islamic brother-hood and strong centre tradition. Legal, cultural, social and economic systems put in
place by state ignored or contradicted pre-existing social, political and cultural systems of Baloch and other minority nationalities. The
newfound religious state of Pakistan adopted the concept of Islamic Nation, identified with strong centre tradition. With the help of army, a
single nationality emerged as the only manipulator of state power. Baloch and other nationalities were kept at the periphery of state power
structures. The concepts of Islamic brother-hood, Pakistani Islamic nation and strong centre doctrine were used as the tools for
subjugating other nationalities and exploiting their cultural, linguistic and social traditions. Army institution as the protector of ideological
boundaries of the state was declared sacred. Any discussion about the role of army, Islamic nation-hood and strong centre were regarded
sins as big as blasphemy and treason.
Use of ruthless military power is a permanent feature of Baloch Pakistan relations. The soldiers were the first to arrive in Balochistan. It
became the sacred and God given task of Pakistani army to protect the backward and politically ‘immature’ Baloch people from the
“exploitation, tyranny and corruption” of their tribal, social and political leaders. The army launched major offensives in Balochistan during
1948, 1958, 1962, 1973 killing thousands of Baloch women, children and elderly people. The recent military aggression in Balochistan is
the continuation of that policy; nevertheless, it surpasses all previous military aggressions in its intensity and ruthlessness. The recent
threats of physical elimination of Baloch by General Musharaf are the repetition of such threats by earlier military rulers.
Once the military control was established, a system of 'indirect colonial rule' was employed in Balochistan. A small, carefully selected
group of Baloch who were loyal to Pakistani establishment exercised limited powers in the province on behalf of centre. The state
intelligence agencies selected, instructed and often co-opted these figureheads. Beginning from 70s a new and previously unknown
breed of elite, the ‘religious leaders’, was created in a secular Baloch society and was also incorporated in the schema of ruling
Balochistan by proxy. During the last 60 years, the genuine Baloch leadership was allowed to govern the province only for few months. It is
noteworthy that recognised leadership of Baloch masses were kept in prisons during 50s, 60s and 70s under the pretext of being anti-
state, and anti-development.
One of the hallmarks of the relationship between Pakistani state and Balochistan is the settlement of people from majority nationality in to
various regions of Balochistan in order to bring state sponsored demographic changes. Consequently, many townships in Balochistan
are increasingly becoming settler dominated. Baloch identity of many towns including capital city Quetta has been replaced by the identity
of a settler society. The exploitation of oil and petroleum reserves and the recognition of Gwadur port as a potential economic and
commercial centre has encouraged a whole range of planned colonization schemes to attract investors and migrants to the region.
Systematic developmental aggression is another hallmark of Baloch Pakistan relations. This developmental aggression is the ruthless
exploitation of Baloch natural resources in the name of development and is at the expense of Baloch economic interests and for the
benefit of dominating nationality. The exploitative economic measures taken by the state for the last many decades had produced
devastating results. The lives of millions of Baloch are characterised by poverty and majority of them are living below the poverty line.
Cultural exploitation of Baloch is another aspect of Baloch Pakistan relations. It is the sacred mission of Pakistani army and civilian
establishment to ‘civilize’ the ‘uncivilized’ Baloch. The Baloch socio-cultural and political systems are being destroyed or corrupted in a
systematic and organized way. Alien cultural traditions are being imposed at the expense of traditional Baloch social values. A north Indian
language (Urdu) has been imposed as national language and language of instruction in educational institutions. The state media is very
busy in portraying Baloch as primitive and tribal. Tribalism has been the basis of Baloch social organization but the state establishment
always portrays the tribe as a concept to denote backwardness or primitiveness.
Intertwined with the tradition of economic exploitation in the disguise of development is the concept of Muslim brother-hood and of making
Baloch perfect Muslims. State establishment made organized attempts, to bring religion into a prominent position in a secular Baloch
society. In this regard, large numbers of religious schools are being financed in every corner of Balochistan to convert the 'ignorant Baloch
into perfect Pakistani Muslims' and save them from ‘eternal damnation’. A culture of religious narrow mindedness is being forced upon
Baloch masses. This 'colonisation of the mind' has important implications. Replacing a traditional social belief system of a people by an
alternative frame of reference often amounts to changing the entire identity of a people. In a Baloch perspective, this is an attempt to dilute
their national resistance and to justify the exploitation of cultural and natural resources of Baloch people in the name of Islam.
Violation of basic human rights of Baloch is the most painful aspect of Baloch Pakistan relations. Extra judicial killings, harassment,
kidnapping and inhuman torture of Baloch leaders, political activists and intellectuals are the normal state responses to Baloch political
mobilization. The situation of Baloch remains grave and alarming. They are living a life at gunpoint in the shadows of inhuman atrocities by
the most atrocious state in the contemporary world. Their very survival as a nation is threatened by distortion of their history, colonization
through forced occupation, militarization, and policies and designs aimed at submerging them in the cultures and national identity of the
religious fundamentalist state.
Marginalization of Baloch, ruthless and frequent military operations by state and Baloch demand for national rights are the characteristics
of Baloch Pakistan relations. Baloch universally share the perception that as a nation they are at the verge of being extinct. Baloch took up
arms when left with no other options as peaceful demands for national rights were responded with ruthless military force. They have
chosen the option to fight to be alive rather being submissive to be extinct. In this perspective, the national resistance of Baloch is their
struggle for human rights, honour, identity and freedom. The spirit of love for their national identity and socio-cultural values are the guiding
force of Baloch national resistance and it continues to fuel their struggle despite their limited resources. Baloch consider self-
determination as their collective right and the very foundation of the enjoyment of their civil, political, economic, cultural and social rights.
The response of international community has been one of criminal silence towards the physical and cultural genocide of Baloch people.
The silence on the use of sophisticated and lethal weapons and indiscriminate aerial bombardment and shameless murders of Baloch
political leaders by Pakistani army cannot be justified on the pretext of Pakistan being an ally in the war on terrorism. It is imperative that
international community should consider the plight of Baloch people in a human perspective. It should take immediate actions before it is
too late for Baloch. Resolution of Baloch-Pakistan conflict is linked with the right of self-determination under the charter of United Nations.
Realted Links:
1948 Pakistani troops entered Balochistan from north and south, the ruler of Baloch State under pressure signed an agreement of
accession with Pakistan. This was against the will of Baloch people expressed by both houses of their parliament. In a Baloch
perspective, it is the illegal occupation of their land.
The second aspect is the doctrine of Islamic brother-hood and strong centre tradition. Legal, cultural, social and economic systems put in
place by state ignored or contradicted pre-existing social, political and cultural systems of Baloch and other minority nationalities. The
newfound religious state of Pakistan adopted the concept of Islamic Nation, identified with strong centre tradition. With the help of army, a
single nationality emerged as the only manipulator of state power. Baloch and other nationalities were kept at the periphery of state power
structures. The concepts of Islamic brother-hood, Pakistani Islamic nation and strong centre doctrine were used as the tools for
subjugating other nationalities and exploiting their cultural, linguistic and social traditions. Army institution as the protector of ideological
boundaries of the state was declared sacred. Any discussion about the role of army, Islamic nation-hood and strong centre were regarded
sins as big as blasphemy and treason.
Use of ruthless military power is a permanent feature of Baloch Pakistan relations. The soldiers were the first to arrive in Balochistan. It
became the sacred and God given task of Pakistani army to protect the backward and politically ‘immature’ Baloch people from the
“exploitation, tyranny and corruption” of their tribal, social and political leaders. The army launched major offensives in Balochistan during
1948, 1958, 1962, 1973 killing thousands of Baloch women, children and elderly people. The recent military aggression in Balochistan is
the continuation of that policy; nevertheless, it surpasses all previous military aggressions in its intensity and ruthlessness. The recent
threats of physical elimination of Baloch by General Musharaf are the repetition of such threats by earlier military rulers.
Once the military control was established, a system of 'indirect colonial rule' was employed in Balochistan. A small, carefully selected
group of Baloch who were loyal to Pakistani establishment exercised limited powers in the province on behalf of centre. The state
intelligence agencies selected, instructed and often co-opted these figureheads. Beginning from 70s a new and previously unknown
breed of elite, the ‘religious leaders’, was created in a secular Baloch society and was also incorporated in the schema of ruling
Balochistan by proxy. During the last 60 years, the genuine Baloch leadership was allowed to govern the province only for few months. It is
noteworthy that recognised leadership of Baloch masses were kept in prisons during 50s, 60s and 70s under the pretext of being anti-
state, and anti-development.
One of the hallmarks of the relationship between Pakistani state and Balochistan is the settlement of people from majority nationality in to
various regions of Balochistan in order to bring state sponsored demographic changes. Consequently, many townships in Balochistan
are increasingly becoming settler dominated. Baloch identity of many towns including capital city Quetta has been replaced by the identity
of a settler society. The exploitation of oil and petroleum reserves and the recognition of Gwadur port as a potential economic and
commercial centre has encouraged a whole range of planned colonization schemes to attract investors and migrants to the region.
Systematic developmental aggression is another hallmark of Baloch Pakistan relations. This developmental aggression is the ruthless
exploitation of Baloch natural resources in the name of development and is at the expense of Baloch economic interests and for the
benefit of dominating nationality. The exploitative economic measures taken by the state for the last many decades had produced
devastating results. The lives of millions of Baloch are characterised by poverty and majority of them are living below the poverty line.
Cultural exploitation of Baloch is another aspect of Baloch Pakistan relations. It is the sacred mission of Pakistani army and civilian
establishment to ‘civilize’ the ‘uncivilized’ Baloch. The Baloch socio-cultural and political systems are being destroyed or corrupted in a
systematic and organized way. Alien cultural traditions are being imposed at the expense of traditional Baloch social values. A north Indian
language (Urdu) has been imposed as national language and language of instruction in educational institutions. The state media is very
busy in portraying Baloch as primitive and tribal. Tribalism has been the basis of Baloch social organization but the state establishment
always portrays the tribe as a concept to denote backwardness or primitiveness.
Intertwined with the tradition of economic exploitation in the disguise of development is the concept of Muslim brother-hood and of making
Baloch perfect Muslims. State establishment made organized attempts, to bring religion into a prominent position in a secular Baloch
society. In this regard, large numbers of religious schools are being financed in every corner of Balochistan to convert the 'ignorant Baloch
into perfect Pakistani Muslims' and save them from ‘eternal damnation’. A culture of religious narrow mindedness is being forced upon
Baloch masses. This 'colonisation of the mind' has important implications. Replacing a traditional social belief system of a people by an
alternative frame of reference often amounts to changing the entire identity of a people. In a Baloch perspective, this is an attempt to dilute
their national resistance and to justify the exploitation of cultural and natural resources of Baloch people in the name of Islam.
Violation of basic human rights of Baloch is the most painful aspect of Baloch Pakistan relations. Extra judicial killings, harassment,
kidnapping and inhuman torture of Baloch leaders, political activists and intellectuals are the normal state responses to Baloch political
mobilization. The situation of Baloch remains grave and alarming. They are living a life at gunpoint in the shadows of inhuman atrocities by
the most atrocious state in the contemporary world. Their very survival as a nation is threatened by distortion of their history, colonization
through forced occupation, militarization, and policies and designs aimed at submerging them in the cultures and national identity of the
religious fundamentalist state.
Marginalization of Baloch, ruthless and frequent military operations by state and Baloch demand for national rights are the characteristics
of Baloch Pakistan relations. Baloch universally share the perception that as a nation they are at the verge of being extinct. Baloch took up
arms when left with no other options as peaceful demands for national rights were responded with ruthless military force. They have
chosen the option to fight to be alive rather being submissive to be extinct. In this perspective, the national resistance of Baloch is their
struggle for human rights, honour, identity and freedom. The spirit of love for their national identity and socio-cultural values are the guiding
force of Baloch national resistance and it continues to fuel their struggle despite their limited resources. Baloch consider self-
determination as their collective right and the very foundation of the enjoyment of their civil, political, economic, cultural and social rights.
The response of international community has been one of criminal silence towards the physical and cultural genocide of Baloch people.
The silence on the use of sophisticated and lethal weapons and indiscriminate aerial bombardment and shameless murders of Baloch
political leaders by Pakistani army cannot be justified on the pretext of Pakistan being an ally in the war on terrorism. It is imperative that
international community should consider the plight of Baloch people in a human perspective. It should take immediate actions before it is
too late for Baloch. Resolution of Baloch-Pakistan conflict is linked with the right of self-determination under the charter of United Nations.
Realted Links:
Speech by Dr. Naseer Dashti
(Presented at the foreign Policy Centre Seminar on 4th December, 2006)
The primary aspect of Baloch Pakistan relations has been the dispute over the legitimacy of
accession of Baloch State with Pakistan. In the wake of British withdrawal from South Asia,
Baloch declared their independence on August 13, 1947. Immediately elections were held for a
bicameral parliament, beginning a new democratic political system in Baloch land. However,
with the help of British colonial administration in India, a portion of Baloch land, which was
leased out by Baloch State to British government during Anglo-Afghan wars, was incorporated in
to Pakistan under the pretext of a controversial referendum. Protests against this action were
totally ignored by the colonial administration in New Delhi.
(Presented at the foreign Policy Centre Seminar on 4th December, 2006)
The primary aspect of Baloch Pakistan relations has been the dispute over the legitimacy of
accession of Baloch State with Pakistan. In the wake of British withdrawal from South Asia,
Baloch declared their independence on August 13, 1947. Immediately elections were held for a
bicameral parliament, beginning a new democratic political system in Baloch land. However,
with the help of British colonial administration in India, a portion of Baloch land, which was
leased out by Baloch State to British government during Anglo-Afghan wars, was incorporated in
to Pakistan under the pretext of a controversial referendum. Protests against this action were
totally ignored by the colonial administration in New Delhi.